Queer politics was never really visible and peaking in Taiwan until last year (September 2013) when the petition and great debate upon the so-called ‘Diverse Formation of Family Union Law‘ (including same-sex marriage, civil partnership system, and multiple-member family system) was incorporated into the Parliament’s agenda. This year, the political atmosphere has been even more intensified and heightened with the LGBTI rights movement.

People of diverse needs owing to different sexual orientation and gender identity are eagerly calling for an LGBTI-friendly government, despite the fact that not everyone, including the LGBTI rights advocates and activists, regard it as queering but probably ‘rainbowing’. For many of Taiwanese LGBTI, they do not seek to be distinct in identity but respected in equality, which is quite different from the Western itinerary and strategy in promoting LGBTI rights. Nevertheless, this is Taiwan’s ‘rainbow coalition‘ – encompassing all the civil rights movements, including not only the sexual minorities but also the persons with disabilities, migrants, labours, sex workers, and aboriginals.

Besides the marriage equality initiative, symbolic tombstones demonstrating awareness of the IDAHOT, and the biggest Pride in Asia – Taiwan LGBT Pride, the rainbow coalition also look to recall certain legislatures who were identified homophobic, transphobic, or ignorant of minorities’ rights. Just at the right moment (29 November 14), Taiwan holds the largest scale local elections, commonly known as the nine-in-one elections (including the Municipal Mayors, Municipal Councillors, Chiefs of indigenous districts in municipalities, Councillors of indigenous districts in municipalities, County Magistrates and City Mayors, County and City Councillors, Township Chiefs, Township councillors, and chiefs of village and borough) in 6 municipalities and 16 counties (cities). The rainbow power in politics has reached its peak.

Not only there are more and more candidates stepping out of the closet, but also the ‘rainbow factors’ are now seriously taken into account by LGBTI voters. For example, the gVote is a temporary website for people to evaluate the LGBTI-friendliness of every candidate, aiming to promote LGBTIs’ influence and opportunity in Taiwan’s politics. Along with a super delicate and comprehensive chart synthesised by cybercitizens – particularly from the PTT Bulletin Board System, we can see a developing number in LGBTI-friendly candidates (for example, at least 90 LGBTI-friendly Councillor candidates across 6 municipalities).

In Taiwan, citizens and activists would prefer ‘rainbow’ to ‘queer’, for instance the launch of Occupy the City with Rainbows along with the ‘rainbow siege’ activity, manifesting the diversity rather than particularity. This is interesting; the reasons can be compounded and sophisticated in terms of cultural and societal backgrounds. Overall speaking, between liberation and inclusion, there is nothing right or wrong. The main idea is still all about fighting for freedoms and equality whichever paths of rights movements were taken.

Certainly, politics should never be oversimplified, especially when it comes to elections, competition among parties and ideologies. ‘Voting’ is to a large extent in sense of people’s self-determination upon the political, economic, and societal issues in the context of a democratic society. Traditionally, LGBTI communities are dedicated to capacity building, counselling and communication, and it has been very fruitful and successful. Nonetheless, observing the 9-in-1 elections in Taiwan this time, we can see the LGBTI people are no longer satisfied simply with social understanding, support, and tolerance in a relatively passive way, but also attempt to change the society actively by themselves.

For LGBTIs and other minorities, politics is now not just voting but a channel of voicing out, making politicians choosing sides, reflecting values in political forum, and most importantly, demonstrating the ‘rainbow factors’ as part of rational choice in a democratic system. At a new age, running political campaigns in Taiwan is much harder and unpredictable than ever, because Taiwanese – especially the youngsters – are not indifferent and afraid to be politicised anymore.

In the end, although the official overall result will not be announced until tomorrow, we can first congratulate those who are LGBTI-friendlier and just won the elections: Ko Wen-je (Taipei), Cheng Wen-tsan (Taoyuan), Lin Chia-lung (Taichung), Kiku Chen (Kaohsiung), as well as Wei Ming-ku (Changhua), Lee Chin-yung (Yunlin), Chang Hwa-kuan (Chiayi), and Pan Meng-an (Pingtung).

Although it is not obvious to tell whether there is any indicative linkage between the outcomes and the factors such as the extent of urbanisation, location, population and industrial structure, and further analyses are needed in order to testify the influence of rainbow factors, as a matter as fact it may still be appraised as a small victory for the rainbow coalition, since the politicians have realised that voters nowadays do take seriously how friendly, hostile, or ignorant they are.





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